“You actually think Muhyiddin is confident of winning the general election and isn’t shitting bricks this very minute, trying to figure out what to do if he loses?”
Raggie Jessy Rithaudeen
محي الدين ده كنا ڬايم دڠن محضير
PPBM leaders today are talking about punishing social media users who are rude or ill-mannered towards Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.
They’re pissed as hell that thousands upon thousands of people took to Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s Facebook to air their grouses against Muhyiddin.
One PPBM leader went so far as to insinuate that those who ‘attacked’ Muhyiddin were cybertroopers, when in fact, a quick check of their Facebook profiles revealed that the majority comprised real people with real problems, not nutjobs on payrolls.
As a matter of fact, the majority was extremely critical towards the Prime Minister’s brand of ‘dictatorship’ and ‘haphazard’ management of the country with only a small percentage hurling abuses, grime and what have you.
So the message by PPBM seems to be this – “we really couldn’t give a damn about your problems. You’re either with us or against us. If you’re against us, we will get you!”
And you want me to support Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin?
Kindda reminds me of the days when Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak used to punish critics and get his minions to hold up placards, reading, “I love PM.”
Back then, Najib’s media cells were just about everywhere and nowhere all at the same time.
There was never a clear direction in terms of strategy apart from the “blanket rule” that anyone who criticised Najib, 1MDB or Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor needed to be dealt with.
Then, when Sarawak Report began publishing documentary evidence and money trails implicating Najib of crime, conversations were shifted to “how people from inside government conspired to leak fabrications to people on the outside” instead of addressing the elephant in the room, i.e, the documents and money trails themselves.
It was later revealed that the documents and money trails were indeed real and ended up being produced in court, some leading to guilty verdicts on charges of money laundering, criminal breach of trust and power abuse.
Sure, Clare Rewcastle Brown is a propaganda specialist and has the ability to take a handful of genuine documents, wrap them around a grand narrative, sugar coat that narrative with a sprinkle of fluff and tie the whole package up with miles of yarn.
But a lot of what she said was true, meaning, Najib was not the saint he painted himself out to be. Before the 14th general election, he told us that Jho Low had nothing to do with 1MDB.
Today, he says Jho Low had everything to do with 1MDB and should have been tried first.
Before the 14th general election, he told us that the RM2.6 billion in his personal bank accounts was a donation from the King of Saudi Arabia and that he knew who sent the money.
But right after the election, knowing that his trial would be in full view of public, he admitted to Al Jazeera that he failed to verify the source of the RM2.6 billion and only “assumed” that the money was donation.
See the lies?
Remember how the rakyat was told that Najib was the victim of slander by Sarawak Report and the Wall Street Journal?
Conversations were deliberately shifted by Najib’s propaganda team to keep us focused on “how Clare got her hands on money trails and how much money Tun Dr Mohamad Mahathir ‘paid’ her and WSJ.”
But ever wondered why nobody spoke about Najib’s failure to sue Clare? Ever wondered why nobody could produce money trails proving that Mahathir had indeed paid Clare and WSJ?
I myself was told by people linked to Najib that Datuk Seri Khairuddin Abu Hassan and Mathias Chang had drafted the Department of Justice report against 1MDB before handing it over to the DoJ and the FBI.
That, too, turned out to be a lie, like the one about Mahathir “paying Lim Kit Siang and Lim Guan Eng RM500 million each” to become Prime Minister.
I voluntarily apologised to Khairuddin about some of the things I wrote and still owe an apology to Mathias.
Media cells were paid, and a special department was set up in the Prime Minister’s Office just to manage “Rosmah’s affairs” using questionable funds.
Cybertroopers were paid hundreds upon thousands of ringgits, possibly even millions if we sum up the money spent in two years.
And the outcome?
Everyone was told to flood the social media with messages bordering on the “I love PM,” “PM berjiwa rakyat” and “PM prihatin” narrative.
Facebook and URL bloggers would spin balls of yarn on how Najib ‘outsmarted’ Tun and how the son of Razak was ‘on top’ of his game.
There was even one that asked, “if not Najib as PM, then who?” The impression given was that the country would be doomed if Najib were to lose the general election and be replaced by Mahathir.
But did that ever bother the old man?
On the contrary, he went on and on about how “Najib stole the people’s money” and how “Rosmah was sticking her oars in government affairs.” According to Mahathir, the country would go to the dogs if Najib was not defeated.
Mahathir made it plain and clear that he was the “top dog” in Pakatan Harapan, meaning, if Pakatan Harapan were to win the 14th general election, he would become Prime Minister.
He said this after joining forces with the man he spent the better half of his life calling a ‘racist’ (Lim Kit Siang) and shaking hands with the man he swore never to work with again (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim).
Tell me, did that not make him look desperate?
Of course it did.
But he didn’t let that bother him, as he knew precisely what he was doing and saying and why he was doing the things he did.
As a matter of fact, he did what he did right in the midst of scathing attacks by Najib’s media team that claimed “the old man will do anything just to become Prime Minister because that’s the only way he can turn his son into one.”
Is that not proof enough that Mahathir had his finger on the pulse of the nation and knew precisely what he was doing?
The rest, as they say, is history.
Barisan Nasional lost the general election despite the tall promises Najib made the night before, standing in front of a huge crowd and telling them that pigs would fly should the coalition win.
Mahathir, too, held a rally, but his crowd was paltry. Yet, not only did he lead Pakatan Harapan to a thumping victory, he went on to become Prime Minister. Is this not proof enough that the old man was ‘on top’ of his game?
Everyone in team Najib succumbed to their own propaganda, thinking that the Barisan Nasional strategy of ‘buying’ voters during general elections would succeed in this day and time.
They failed to realise that the strategy works only for by-elections, as when it comes to general elections, people have begun thinking years down the road and no longer side with governments that are cocky, power crazy and money hungry.
Najib was too fixated with what Mahathir was saying. He forgot, that when dealing with Mahathir, one must “never pay too much attention to what the old man is saying but what he is not saying.”
When it comes to Mahathir, the name of the game is always “to take two steps back to leap ten steps forward.”
When Mahathir joined forces with Kit Siang, he took one step back. When he went to court and shook hands with Anwar, he took another step back.
But during the 14th general election, he leapt ten steps forward. Would you have guessed that Mahathir would win the election when you saw him shaking hands with Kit Siang and Anwar?
See where I am going with this?
Mahathir holds the track record for “winning every single general election he ever fought” and “bringing down a regime nobody ever thought could be defeated.”
He most certainly isn’t an idiot to wage a war against Muhyiddin at this age if he does not already know that he will win.
You actually think Muhyiddin is confident of winning the general election and isn’t shitting bricks this very minute, trying to figure out what to do if he loses?
You actually believe that Muhyiddin knows what “Mahathir is not saying” this time around and what the old man is strategising just because the former spent years working with the maverick?